Love and Happiness

According to the Webster dictionary love is to share one’s life, and downfalls; not just ones personal property; love is an affection for another arising out of kinship or personal ties; a strong feeling of attraction. Being honest about you and allowing the other person involved in the relationship to really get to know who you really are. Happiness is an agreeable feeling or condition of the soul arising from good fortune or propitious happening of any kind; the possession of those circumstances or that state of being which is attended with enjoyment. To love and be loved is the beauty of life; many people yearn for peace, love and happiness myself included. Love brings happiness that is what we are made to think from very early stages in life. Must we make others happy for us to be happy; therefore there are some dangerous myths in life that can keep you from being happy; it’s a bad life where we try to please others throughout life; if this fouls people usually bitter resentful and in most cases hateful to people we fail to please. If we do not resist the planked seed of co-dependence we are doomed to live for others. Collins II Love is a present experience; it has no opposite and is the union and connection of all things. Love is vast; infinitely vast; love expands with wisdom, patience and kindness. It is so expansive that it even contains room for all fears to nestle into. Love embraces all fears; within love, seeds of fear can either grow or remain unchanged or these seeds can transform and blossom into more love. Love welcomes both the unchanged fears and the transformed ones. love has room for all things at all times; for judgment, weakness, and disappointment, as well as for joy, compassion and peace. All experience nestle and find room within the open cradle and forever accepting, expanding nature of love. Happiness is much more than what an article could describe; some people describe happiness as the feeling you experience when you realize that everything is exactly as it should be; some define it as the state of feeling that you experience after reaching your goal; while others define it as having inner peace. Happiness is perspective dependent emotion; it means that what could make someone happy could not be of importance to someone else. Happiness is just like love it is energy and when it’s shared it brings out the best results; try thinking of a moment when you share a joke with a friend the laughter brings out the best that makes you feel good and happy. Although this is what gives a good feeling; a happy person in fact can attract a lot of love because in fact its easily reflected in every activity; otherwise this creates a strong bond between love and happiness; however people will always return your Collins III charming smile, even though they are frowning and looking angry people will scowl at you. There is a common edge that â€Å"life is hard and we have to struggle to be happy; with this in mind I tend to differ to our expectations of struggles and problems. It’s amazing when things are moving so swiftly for us; we subconsciously wait for the storm to come. Life was meant to be easy but pessimism interferes with the flow of happiness in our lives. Open your heart to love and happiness and you will experience a breakthrough in love and happiness; there are time when you feel a lot of joy in your heart; but nevertheless the peace you feel within your heart should beneath your soul. You choose to be happy and worry less; meanwhile you will have successful romantic relationship if you are positive about yourself; however you and others will enjoy life as well as relaxing, being together without going out of your way to impress other. This is a misconception that loves and happiness is truly a goal to attend in the future; a lone each passing day you should bring a new and unique experience to you and your love one; to share one’s life and down falls; not just ones personal property; happiness is a agreeable feeling or condition of the soul arising from fortune or propitious happening of any kind. Happiness is a perspective dependent emotion. Commitment is needed in order to build a beautiful relationship; without commitment love and happiness would not be able to grow.

How to Write a Compelling, Informative News Lede

How to Write a Compelling, Informative News Lede The lede  is the first paragraph of any news story. It’s also the most important part. The lede must accomplish three things: Give readers the main points of the story;Get readers interested in reading the story;Accomplish both â€Å"a† and â€Å"b† in as few words as possible. Typically, editors want ledes to be no longer than 35 to 40 words. Why so short? Readers want their news delivered quickly. A short lede does just that. What Goes in the Lede? For news stories, journalists use the inverted pyramid format, which features the five â€Å"W’s and the H† – who, what, where, when, why and how. Who – who is the story about?What – what is the story about?Where – where did the event you’re writing about occur?When – when did it occur?Why – why did this happen?How – how did this happen? Example 1:  Let’s say you’re writing a story about a man who was injured when he fell off a ladder. Here are your five W’s and H: Who – the manWhat – he fell off a ladder while paintingWhere – at his houseWhen – yesterdayWhy – the ladder was ricketyHow – the rickety ladder broke So your lede might go something like this: A man was injured yesterday after falling from a rickety ladder which collapsed as he was painting his home. This sums up the main points of the story in just 19 words, which is all you need for the lede. Example 2:  Let’s say you’re writing a story about a house fire in which three people suffer smoke inhalation. Here are your five W’s and H: Who – three peopleWhat – they suffered smoke inhalation and were hospitalized after a house fireWhere – at the houseWhen – yesterdayWhy – a man fell asleep smoking in bedHow – the cigarette ignited the mans mattress Heres how this lede might go: Three people were hospitalized for smoke inhalation yesterday from a house fire officials say was ignited when a man in the home fell asleep while smoking in bed. This lede clocks in at 28 words a little longer than the last one, but still short and to the point. Example 3: Heres something a bit more complicated. This is a story about a hostage situation. Here are your five W’s and H: Who – six people, one gunmanWhat – the gunman held six people hostage in a restaurant for two hours before surrendering to policeWhere – at Billy Bobs Barbecue JointWhen – last nightWhy – the gunman tried robbing the restaurant but police arrived before he could escapeHow – he ordered the six people into the kitchen Heres how this lede might go: A failed robbery of Billy Bob’s Barbeque last evening resulted in six being held hostage as police surrounded the building. The suspect surrendered without incident following a two-hour standoff. This lede is 29 words, which isnt bad for a story that has a bit more complexity to it. Write Ledes on Your Own Here are some examples to try on your own. Who – Barrett Bradley, the president of Centerville CollegeWhat – he announced tuition will be raised 5 percentWhere – at a gathering in the colleges amphitheaterWhen – yesterdayWhy – enrollment is dropping and the college is facing a $3 million deficitHow – he will ask the colleges board of trustees to approve the tuition hikeWho – Melvin Washington, point guard for the Centerville High School basketball teamWhat – he scores a record 48 points to lead the team to the state championship over the rival team at Roosevelt High SchoolWhere – in the schools gymnasiumWhen – last nightWhy – Washington is a gifted athlete who observers say has an NBA career ahead of himHow – he is a remarkably precise shooter who excels at making 3-pointersWho – Centerville Mayor Ed JohnsonWhat – he holds a press conference announcing he has a drinking problem and is stepping down from his postWhere – in his office at City HallWhen – todayWhy – Johnson says he is entering rehab to deal with his alcoholismHow – he will step down and deputy mayor Helen Peterson will take over

Definition and Examples of Binomials in Algebra

Definition and Examples of Binomials in Algebra A polynomial equation with two terms usually joined by a plus or minus sign is called a binomial. Binomials are used in algebra. Polynomials  with one term will be called a monomial and could look like 7x. A polynomial with two terms is called a binomial; it could look like 3x 9. It is easy to remember binomials as bi means 2 and a binomial will have 2 terms. A classic example is the following:  3x 4 is a binomial and is also a polynomial,  Ã‚  2a(ab) 2  is also a binomial (a and b are the binomial factors). The above are both binomials. When multiplying binomials, youll come across a term called the FOIL method which is often just the method used to multiply binomials.   For instance,  to find the product of 2 binomials, youll add the products of the First  terms, the Outer terms, the Inner terms, and the Last terms. When youre asked to square a binomial, it simply means to multiply it by itself. The square of a binomial will be a trinomial. The product of two binomials will be a trinomial. Example of Multiplying Binomials (5 4x) x (3 2x)(5 4x)(3 2x) (5)(3) (5)(2x) (4x)(3) (4x)(2i) 15 10x 12x 8(x)2 15 22x 8(-1) 15 22x - 8 (15 - 8) 22x 7 22x Once you begin taking  algebra in school, youll be doing a great many computations that require binomials and polynomials.

Analisis de La multitud errante de Laura Restrepo Essay

Analisis de La multitud errante de Laura Restrepo - Essay Example Sin embargo, no se sabe muy bien los detalles de su historia, o su motivacià ³n para encontrar a su otra que el hecho de que sabemos que Tres Sietes realmente amaba a Matilde Lina. Tres Sietes dice que el mundo "sabe" como su amor perdido, Matilde Lina. Es de esta manera que Tres Sietes lamenta el hecho de que se ha perdido su amor. El narrador intenta entrar en su mundo, sin à ©xito. Se trata de detener el dolor, pero nada de lo que se parece ayudar. Hay un problema mà ¡s grande que amenaza a la historia, sin embargo. Tres Sietes es un hombre, y es, obviamente, este hecho que impide un flujo claro de comunicacià ³n entre el narrador y Tres Sietes. En un dià ¡logo entre un hombre y una mujer, "El problema mà ¡s grande es la falla de una o racionalizado pà ºblica lenguaje masculinizado ... el que se separa en las representaciones culturales de la voz privada ... Una dialà ³gica feminista traerà ­a estas dos lenguas en un dià ¡logo." ... Sin embargo, por necesidad de un hombre, ella se esta definiendo a traves de esa persona. En lugar de inspirar en ella un espiritu independiente, que esta dependiendo de un hombre para hacerse cumplir. La idea de que La Multitud Errante pretende es que uno no necesariamente deben depender de alguien mas para uno de los medios de subsistencia, ya sea hombre o mujer--pero sobre lo todo, que una mujer depende de un hombre. Si bien es normal que una mujer desea ajustarse a un molde determinado en un sentido social, es dificil de romper la cadena de continuar en el camino de sus predecesores. Por supuesto, no todas las mujeres es liberada. No todas las mujeres pueden encontrarse en el curso de su vida. A veces las mujeres se dedican sus vidas enteras a sus parejas masculinas, con la esperanza de que sus deseos se cumpliran, como resultado de su devocion. Una de las mayores dificultades como mujer, como ha demostrado este narrador, es encontrarse a si mismo. La busqueda de la propia person alidad es dificil de encontrar. Esta no es una tarea facil. Con el fin de averiguar lo que uno quiere de la vida, uno tiene que hacer una gran cantidad de pensamiento. El narrador parece como si, para ayudar a aquellas personas que estan desposeidos, que ella misma esta asumiendo la carga de los que se quedan en su vivienda. Ella espera que de alguna manera una parte de ella sera guardado en sacrificar su tiempo y recursos para estas personas que se quedan en su lugar de refugio. Por supuesto, la busqueda de uno mismo viene con la contemplacion y reflexion interior. Es imposible encontrarse a uno mismo sin mirar lo que uno hace en la vida y la forma en que reflexiona sobre el caracter de uno. El narrador es, evidentemente, en conflicto. ?Le sigue a sacrificar su tiempo

Newspaper report on the conditions in the factories and mining areas Essay - 1

Newspaper report on the conditions in the factories and mining areas of Industrial England - Essay Example The poor building design of the industrial cities, coupled with the existence of carbon emissions from the fireworks in the industries have combined to deny the residents of the industrial cities an access to clean air, and thus the result is the inhalation of air that is short in oxygen but highly enriched in carbon and other air pollutants from the surrounding industries, whose consequence on the residents has been† mental and physical lassitude and low vitality† (Engels, 1). Thus, the conditions of the factories and mining areas are characterized by people who have acute health problems, which are a function of chronic poverty, coupled with inflammatory infections (Engels, 2). Further, it is through bad ventilation and overcrowding that characterizes these areas, that the level of deaths and illnesses have continuously increased, while the productivity of the workforce in the industries and the factories continue to decline, considering that they can no longer perform at their best, due to health complications (Chadwick, 2). The congestion of the people in the working rooms within the industries and factories is inconceivable, considering that a room that is a maximum of 18 yards long and 8 yards wide can be used by approximately 80 people, and most importantly heavily working, breathing and sweating people (Chadwick, 2). In better terms, the conditions in the factories and mining areas of Industrial England can simply be termed as horrific, when the reality sinks in the mind, in consideration of the fact that men are working knee to knee during the summer, with the room lit with sky lights, but candles introduced when the hours have proceeded and darkness is setting in. when the people start sweating, and the air within the room becomes completely short of oxygen, while the breathing adds more carbon and yet the candles that have been lit increases the heat and the carbon levels in the air, the conditions become intolerable for the workers, and people â€Å"faint away in the shop from the excessive heat and closeness†, despite the smell being intolerable (Chadwick, 2). The conditions in the industries and the factories are neither better during the winter season, since the scathing cold gives the workers more reasons to stay even closer, while blocking all the ventilation and closing the windows, to stay away from cold. The consequence of this is that; the atmosphere becomes even more polluted, while the smell increases two folds, causing even more people to suffer more adverse health effects in the winter than in the summer, since at least during the summer windows and the little ventilations allow in air, even though it is not any fresh (Chadwick, 4). While affecting the health of the workers adversely, the horrific atmosphere and the lack of clean air for breathing takes a toll on the workers, through reducing their energies, and consequently their level of performance (Engels, 1). While the conditions in the wor kplaces could be considered horrific, the places of residence of the working classes are not any better. It could be significantly disturbing to have heaps of decaying wastes just outside the compound of the people living in the villages, because for them, the garbage heap is a source of nuisance, especially when the wind blows the garbage components and the smell in the direction of the house (Engels, 2). However, the condition is even worse for those living in the industrial cities, where the heap of garbage is either close to the door or right across the street, but the worst thing is that there is not even the wind to blow in fresh air, meaning that the stench characterizes the air around the houses (Engels, 2). The devastating working and living conditions of

Managing Organisational Change Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Managing Organisational Change - Essay Example Recent advancements in technology and globalization have rendered the business environment full of changes. For instance, the emergence of mobile adaptability and social media has resulted in an increase in the need for change. Paying attention to detail has raised the stakes for failed business efforts pilling pressure on the struggling executives. With this so much change going on in the business environment, firm need to learn how to adapt to these changes. Organizational changes ensure that changes are smoothly and successfully implemented in order to attain long-lasting benefits. Change occurs due to the pressure of both external and internal forces in the firm. The paper will discuss technology advancements and change of managerial personnel as external and internal forces of change in an organization respectively. The paper will go ahead and relate how these pressures have impacted on Group Danone. Technological advancements have a secondary influence of increasing the availability and accountability of change. Therefore, to remain and survive in the business environment, the management needs to be alert to any changing forces and make a response by initiating changes within the organization. Palmer, Dunford and Akin, (2009:358) argue that the images for managing change include the director, navigator, caretaker, coach, interpreter, and nurturer. For instance, during the course of change, the director is tasked with the responsibility of designing the process of change and directing people to adhere in that the change is attained as planned. The navigator designs the change process in order to best fit the conditions experienced. The caretaker role is attained are attained due to environmental factors. The coach is tasked assisting the members of the organization to develop within themselves the abilities prerequisite for success. For a change to be effective, the organizations need to ensure that the employees are in support of

Pakistani Community In Britain Sociology Essay

Pakistani Community In Britain Sociology Essay Ali (1982) Pakistanis main concentration is in U.K. where they began in the early 20th century as sailors in the Merchant Navy and soldiers in the British army. They had an opportunity to migrate in large numbers following the economic expansion and shortage of labour resulting from the two world wars. However, their migration did not have a set pattern up until the last half of the 1950s. (p. 5-7) Post world war two migration to Britain from the Asian subcontinent was based on imperial ties and largely driven by economic imperatives. Rebuilding post war economy entailed a demand for labour that could not be satisfied by the British population itself. After 1945, virtually all countries in Western Europe began to attract significant numbers of workers from abroad and by the late 1960s they mostly came from developing countries in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and the Middle East (Massey, D. et.al , 1993, p. 431). Islam in the UK has a South Asian character. The largest number of Muslims originates from Pakistan (Samad Sen, p.43). Further to this, the largest group of Muslims from the Indian subcontinent have come from Pakistan, both West and East (Ibid.) In Pakistan, major impetuses to emigrate came from the poorer agricultural areas of the Mirpuri district in southern Kashmir and the Cambellpur district of the north-eastern Punjab. Smaller numbers left from the North-west Fron tier Province next to the Afghani border. In the case of Mirpur, a further factor was the disruption caused by the Mangla Dam project which started in 1960, and was ultimately to flood about 250 villages. In East Pakistan, which was later to become Bangladesh, the two main sources of immigration were in the Sylhet district in the north-east and the maritime region around Chittagong. Due to the struggles of a newly developed state and poverty, many Pakistanis took the opportunity to come and work in Britain. (Neilsen, 2004, p. 41) Before 1962, Pakistanis were British subjects (under the 1948 British Nationality Act) and could enter Britain without restriction. There was a dramatic increase in the rate of immigration just before the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962  [1]  was passed. Before the act of 1962 was passed about fifty thousand people entered Britain within 18 months, in comparison the 17,000 who entered between 1955 and 1960 (Shaw, 1998: 25). The threat of Britains immigration controls also coincided with a change in the Pakistani Governments policy on immigration. In 1961, when the 1962 Common wealth Act was imminent, Pakistani government withdrew restrictions on immigration and promoted the migration of 5,000 people in a move to compensate Mirpuri villagers who had been dispossessed of land by the construction of the dam (Shaw, 1998: 25). Until the beginning of the 1960s, entry into the UK by the citizens of British colonies and member countries of the Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1962, introduced restrictions on immigration to the UK. Although it was intended to discourage Pakistanis and people from Commonwealth countries from migrating to the country, it turned out to have the opposite effect. The unintended effect of the 1971 Immigration Act  [2]  was that a significant number of Pakistanis and from the other countries entered the UK to beat the ban (Shaw, 1994, as quoted in Samad Sen, 2007, p. 28). 1970s family reunification marked a turning point for the establishment of Islam in Europe. Along with emergence of community through family reunification, some of the conventional norms rooted in social relations, through the practice of Islam began to emerge (Ibid., p.38) These labour migrants despite their social origins and qualification levels were largely confined to low-paid manual work and faces racial discrimination when being recruited for jobs (Modood, 2005, p. 60). In the 1970s Ethnic minorities were branded as scroungers and the threat of overcrowding was becoming a grave concern. Enoch Powell, in 1967, openly advocated a policy of repatriation where he argued not for migrants; families to be reunited in Britain but rather that migrants should be returned home and reunited with families over there (Jones and Wellhengama, 2000: 16). Further to this, by emphasising that Britishness comprises common biological roots, a common language and an allegiance to the Crown; parliamentarians easily excluded certain migrants (Ibid, p. 31). With the consequences of state led policies of migration, and arrival and settlement of a growing Pakistani community, emerged socio-economic problems that this new community had to face. The next part of the essay will discuss the various ways in which the British Pakistanis are disadvantaged and ways in which they responded to the underlying and changing political, social and economic conditions in Britain. While the disadvantage of Pakistanis actually predates the rise of anti-Muslim prejudice, the latter threatens to exacerbate the former and to prevent the formation of goodwill required to act against the chronic disadvantage of Pakistanis in Britain. (Modood, 2005, p. 80) As the Labour force survey (Spring, 2000 as quoted in Saman Sen, p. 45) illustrates, Pakistanis are two and a half times more likely than the white population to be unemployed and nearly three times more likely to be in low-paid jobs. According to Cessari (p. 58) the socio-economic marginality of Pakistanis is most often accompanied by residential segregation. She argues that the data from the British census show that Pakistani immigrants tend to live in the most dilapidated or unhealthy housing conditions. Chain migration processes have a strong influence on locating minorities in clusters. Hostility from the society within which the settlement takes place can reduce the ability of the group to disperse and defence may be an important element in clustering. There are both positive and negative reasons for clustering in most ethnic clustering patterns and, given their simultaneous presence in many situations, it is difficult to disentangle dominant from recessive factors. Nevertheless, it is important to recognize that not all segregation results from negative factors such as white racism (Peach, 1996, p. 228) Rex and Moore (1967) demonstrated high levels of discrimination against immigrants, particularly against Pakistanis, in their field area of Sparkbrook in Birmingham. They showed high concentrations of Pakistans in their lowest housing class, the rooming house. Work by Dahya (1974), on the other hand, argued that Pakistani concentration in multi-occupied accommodation was a preferred, not an enforced, strategy. He argued that chain migration by village and family, the desire to maximize savings, shared language and religion, culinary needs and so forth all argued in favour of sharing accommodation. Thus, although discrimination existed, it was not material to the patterns of concentration that arose. Many of the early Pakistani migrants to Britain have been the most reluctant to attach a British identity to themselves. With the effects of globalisation, Pakistanis are also worried about losing their traditions, customs and values and hence hold onto the security of their close knit society with a hesitance in accepting anything British; (Jacobson, 1997, 185). Pakistani British Muslims have been vastly influenced by cultures and customs emanating from the subcontinent, and this will continue to happen for another generation or two. The context within which they practice their religion is after all, Pakistani one: not only because they younger generation learned about Islam from their Pakistani parents but also because Pakistanis are the dominant group within the local Muslim community. They are used to hearing Urdu spoken in mosque, eating Pakistani food and wearing Pakistani clothes at religious festivals, follow Pakistani customs at weddings and other religiousceremonies and abide by and rail against definitions of moral behaviour which have more to do with the norms of Pakistani village life. For them the interconnections between ethnic culture and religion are dense and intricate (Jacobson, J. 2003, p. 147) V.S. Khan (1979), writing on Mirpuris in Bradford, discusses the effect of migration on those arriving in Britain and ways in which this shapes their socio-cultural behavior. He maintains that the very means of coping with migration could lead to inherent stresses, in that the knowledge of traditional culture in the homeland, constant evaluation through the process of migration to Britain and prior expectations have a direct affect on the migrants life-style and values. The stressful experience of migration is alsoa crucial determinant of a migrants perception of his situation, and the actual options open to him. While many of the supportive institutions of village life buffer confrontation with the new and alien world in Britain, in the long term they not only restrict access to it, but also hinder the attainment of things valued (Ibid. p. 55) Werbner discusses similar factors: the social stresses experienced by Pakistani migrants in Britain derive from three main `arenas; the traditional culture and emigration area; the migration process; and settlement in the new environment and society (1990: 37). Her analysis however, presents a more positive view of the adaptability of Pakistanis to new circumstances, in particular to those concerning women, and regarding the expansion of kinship networks to inculcate friends and members of other sub-castes. (Imtiaz, 1997, p. 36) Significance of Bradford: The Bradford Metropolitan District is situated west of Leeds; north of the trans- Pennine highway. To the north and east lies North Yorkshire, with its manor houses, farms and cathedral cities, while to the west and north lies the Lake District. The city has been the centre of the wool trade since the 18th century and, until recently, wool dominated the local economy. Even the engineering and chemical industries were associated with the wool trade by supplying the needs of the textile industry. Throughout the 19th century it was mainly a working class city structured around a low wage economy. The global networks, stretching out to the colonies, in particular, were constructed around importing wool and reprocessing it for export. These networks persisted into the mid-twentieth century (Samad Eade, Community Laison Unit) Although Pakistani Muslims settled in various parts of the United Kingdom, Bradford still has one of the highest concentrations of Pakistani Muslims in the country (and more than any other Yorkshire and Humber region) (Din, 2006). Bradford is one of many towns and cities that have ethnically diverse populations in terms of religion as well such places as Tower Hamlets, Birmingham and Slough (National Census, 2001). The Bradford area also has one of the highest numbers of individuals who were born outside the European Union (National Census, 2001). The majority of Muslims in Bradford have roots in rural areas, with a large majority of Pakistanis from Mirpur in Azad Kashmir, a mountainous region and one of the least northern areas of Pakistan. This Pakistani community has a growing underclass with a significant section of young men under achieving in schools. They are generally characterised by low educational qualifications and occupational concentrations in restaurants and taxi driving. Along with low participation of women in the formal labour market and marriage at an early age, fewer years of education, lower educational skills and large average family and household size contributes to multiple deprivations (Lewis, 2007). Bradford has a rich religious, ethnic and cultural diversity. With a range of ethnic communities, it is predominantly Muslim (16.1 per cent) and largely of Pakistani origin with 14.5 percent of the total population of the city (National Statistics, 2003 as quoted in Gilligan, 2005). The Pakistani communities are very much concentrated in the inner wards of the city, where they tend to live amidst a relatively self-contained world of businesses and institutions, religious and cultural, which they have created to service, their specific needs (Lewis, 2002, p. 203.) Compared to other majority white communities, Bradfords Asian population is relatively young (National Statistics, 2003). They also tend to be located in areas facing relatively high levels of deprivation and disadvantage (DETR, 2000; Cantle, 2001; Denham, 2001 as quoted in Gilligan Akhtar, 2005). According to the Change Institutes report on the Pakistani Muslim Community in England, (2009) currently Bradford has the largest proportion of its total population (15%) identifying itself as of Pakistani origin in England. The report suggests that the latest estimates (from Bradford Metropolitan District Council) have indicated that the South Asian population has grown considerably over the last decade to 94,250, and that the people of Pakistani/Kashmiri origin number about 73,900. It further states that the South Asian population now represents about 19 per cent of the total population of Bradford and 16 per cent of Bradfords residents are Muslims, compared to the national average of 3 per cent. Therefore, the overwhelming majority of Pakistanis (young and old) have an attachment to Bradford. For many older Pakistanis, who arrived in the late 1950s and early 60s, Bradford is Mirpur is their home from home. For the young generations of Pakistanis it is their home (Din, 2006) Studies on Mirpuris: Much of the literature on Pakistanis in Britain, particularly from the late 1970s up to the late 1980s, tends to be based on studies of communities in particular towns, such as Anwar (1979) on Rochdale, Currer (1983) on Bradford, Jeffrey (1979) on Bristol, Shaw (1988) on Oxford, and Werbner (1985 1990) on Manchester. A number of studies have explored the extent of Asian (or Pakistani) migration and settlement across various geographical towns and cities (see Khan, 1974, 1979; Anwar, 1979; Shaw, 1988, 1994; Werbner, 1990). Some have had a particular focus on employment and housing issues (in particular Dahya, 1974; Werbner and Anwar, 1991; Anwar, 1991). Measuring the economic position of communities is easier to determine; what is more difficult is to examine the experiences and attitudes of young people towards their parents/elders; their community and the wider British society. There is an enormous amount of published work on the early immigrants (Rose et al, 1969; Dahya, 1974; Khan 1979). Rose et al (1969) is a good starting point for cultural studies relating to the Pakistani community. Rose explored issues such as the need to recruit labour immigrants to meet the needs of the British economy and the settlement process of the early immigrants in textile cities like Bradford. In addition he explored the problems encountered, such as obtaining suitable accommodation, access to public services, integration and the problems of adapting to a very different way of life. The experiences of families of early settlers joining their husbands in the United Kingdom have also, to an extent, been explored. This shows close-knit family ties which exist in Pakistani families, arranged marriages, biraderi and gender inequalities in Pakistani households (Khan, 1979). One of the earliest writers on Pakistanis in England is Dahya (1973 1974), who began his research in Birmingham and Bradford in 1956 and continued to publish into the 1980s. He remains amongst a hand full of researchers who have endeavoured to describe daily life amongst the single, male migrants and the control exercised over them by heads of families back in Pakistan. He clearly explained the nature of the links between the migrants in England and the social structures operating in Pakistan, based on the need for the migrant, whose family has sent him abroad in order for him to send back remittances and thus benefit not only immediate relatives but also the whole of the biraderi or kinship group. He concludes that: the Pakistani migrant community is in a very real sense a transitional society going through the phase of development from a rural to an urban industrial society (1973: p, 275). Today, with the constant movement between the villages of origin of Pakistani migrants and their places of inhabitancy in Britain, paving way for a constant, rapid social and economic change in both societies, his conclusion tends to be within a situational context of a time, when both were much more separate than they are today. Jamal (1998) carried out a research to explore food consumption experiences the British-Pakistanis in Bradford, UK and the ways the British Pakistanis perceive their food, and their perception of English food in the UK. He identified that the first generation of British-Pakistanis perceive their own food to be traditional, tasty but oily and problematic. Various English foods are perceived by them as foreign, bland, but nonetheless, healthy. The young generation of British-Pakistanis are increasingly consuming mainstream English foods while also consuming traditional Pakistani food. Rex and Moore (1967) demonstrated high levels of discrimination against immigrants, particularly against Pakistanis, in their field area of Sparkbrook in Birmingham. They showed high concentrations of Pakistans in their lowest housing class, the rooming house. Work by Dahya (1974), on the other hand, argued that Pakistani concentration in multi-occupied accommodation was a preferred, not an enforced, strategy. He argued that chain migration by village and family, the desire to maximize savings, shared language and religion, culinary needs and so forth all argued in favour of sharing accommodation. Thus, although discrimination existed, it was not material to the patterns of concentration that arose. According to the Labour force survey (Spring, 2000 as quoted in Saman Sen, p. 45), Pakistanis are two and a half times more likely than the white population to be unemployed and nearly three times more likely to be in low-paid jobs. According to Cessari (p. 58) the socio-economic marginality of Pakistanis is most often accompanied by residential segregation. She argues that the data from the British census show that Pakistani immigrants tend to live in the most dilapidated or unhealthy housing conditions. Another study of south Asian Muslims in Bradford by Khan (2009) refutes the commonly held belief that British Muslim alienation is an entirely Islamist narrative. In fact, the subjects of the study are alienated not only from British society but also from the cultural traditions and values of their own families. The author of the study was struck by their disconnected individualism and described them as libertines. This clearly contradicts the stereotype of Islamists radicalised by a hatred of Western society. Recent study by Bolgnani (2007) highlights forms of homeland attachment and analyses their significance among second- and third-generation British Pakistanis by comparison with the myth of return that characterised the early pioneer phase of Pakistani migration to Britain. He highlights that Homeland attachment for young British Pakistanis is constituted through school holidays spent in Pakistan, participation there in life-cycle rituals involving the wider kinship network, and the older generations promotion of the idea of Pakistan as a spiritual and cultural homeland. It further suggests that, for the pioneer generation, the myth of return justified a socio-economically motivated migration. He further argues that for the second and third generations, the homeland attachments and the idea of a possible return to Pakistan is a response to contemporary political tensions and Islamophobia. Therefore, he concludes that while myth of return still remains, for the majority, that myth has been revitalised and has a new political significance in the contemporary political context of British Pakistanis. However, another study of south Asian Muslims in Bradford by Khan (2009) refutes the commonly held belief that British Muslim alienation is an entirely Islamist narrative. In fact, the subjects of the study are alienated not only from British society but also from the cultural traditions and values of their own families. The author of the study was struck by their disconnected individualism and described them as libertines. This clearly contradicts the stereotype of Islamists radicalised by a hatred of Western society. Marriages: The governing principle of marital choice in any community is homogamy the selection of a partner from a similar social background shaped, for example, by race, class, ethnicity, religion, age and education, thus those who do not conform to these norms, in some circumstances, suffer sanctions, ranging from disapproval to ostracism (Bradford Commission Report 1996). For Pakistanis, the life-cycle with weddings, births and funerals is particularly lived in a shared way by the family extended and split over two continents, Europe and Asia. Adults make return trips for various reasons, but most centrally to arrange or perform a childs marriage (Ballard 1987, p. 21; Shaw 2001, p. 319-325). Among British Pakistanis marriage is not only within the same ethnic group, but consanguineous-arranged with relatives-according to clan as well as caste systems. In a complex context of ethnicity and caste, marriage is often seen as the chosen mechanism to consolidate biradari  [3]  loyalties. Furthermore, due to chain migration, stronger village and kin networks were created, that were later reinforced by transnational arranged marriages, often with cousins from the same area or village. Pakistanis, like many other groups, consider it an important parental responsibility to find spouses for their children. They prefer to select someone they know well, to be sure that he or she has the qualities they appreciate and will make a caring partner. However, Khan (1977) argues in his research that ethnic minorities such as Pakistanis, face two problems namely the limited availability of suitable persons in the restricted local community, and another the fact that their circle of acquaintance in the country of origin tends to shrink within the limits of the extended family. Therefore, for groups with a tradition of consanguineous marriage, it is only natural for the choice of partner to fall progressively closer within the family circle. This argument is supported by Rao Inbaraj (1979) who give evidence to support this view from South India, arguing that for South Asians monogamous, close consanguineous marriage has been practised for thousands of years. Moreover, Bano (1991) discussed the upward social mobility through the institution of marriage amongst British Pakistanis, which she sees as being marked in the Netherlands in comparison to Pakistan. She described the practice of cousin marriages explaining their common prevalence amongst relatively wealthy, rural, as well as landowning families. She then discusses the extension of cousin marriage (Ibid. p.15), proposing that it could include partners being chosen from distant family, or from the same religious tendency, or from the parents close business contacts. According to a research conducted by Overall and Nichols (2001), the U.K. Asian population, particularly within the Pakistani communities, tends to have high levels of consanguineous unions which are correlated with high rates of morbidity and mortality (Darr and Modell 1988; Terry et al. 1985; Bundey et al. 1991 as quoted in Overall Nickols, 2001). It is not unusual to observe a proportion of first-cousin marriages of around 50% (Darr and Modell 1988). Modood et al. argue that the Asian older generation prefers marriages to be arranged by families within the clan or extended family and that love marriages were not the most appropriate way of finding a life-partner. The most frequent argument supporting this view was that love marriages are equated with high levels of divorce. Arranged marriages are seen as diminishing the likelihood of divorce because the partners are chosen for their compatibility and suitable family backgrounds (Modood et al. 1997). According to most researchers there is a continuing prevalence for high rates of intercontinental and intra-caste marriages (over 50%) between British Pakistani spouses and brides or grooms in Pakistan (Charsley, 2003; Shaw, 2001). It is suggested that the pressure for such marriages is apparently exerted by close relatives in Pakistan who use marriage as a route for their children to migrate legally to Britain. According to recent research, however, the spouses marrying into Britain often suffer isolation, and have poor employment prospects (Charsley, 2003). Furthermore, most Pakistani children are compliant and agree, however reluctantly, to cousin and intercontinental marriages (Jacobson, 1998). The Home Office statistics show an influx of 15,000 prospective marriage partners (male and female) from the Indian sub-continent arriving in Britain in 2001 alone, the vast majority arranged by parents for their British-born children (Werbner, 2005). Charsley (2003) reports that, in 2000, there were 10,000 people both men and women, who married into Braitian. Werbner (2005) explains this phenomenon by arguing that Islam permits marriage with a wide range of close kin and affines, and according to recent researches, the majority of Pakistani marriages continue to take place within the biradari; a local agnatic lineage and, more widely, an ego-focused kindred of traceable affines and consanguineous kin. She argues that this notion of biradari helps mediate between kinship, locality and zat (caste), and that such biradaris are ranked and reflect class and caste status in the Pakistani society (Werbner, 2005). Darr and Modell (1988) conducted a research that carried inculcated an enquiry answered by 100 randomly selected British Pakistani mothers in the postnatal wards of two hospitals in West Yorkshire, Bradford, showed that 55 were married to their first cousins, while only 33 cases had individuals whether their mother had been married to her first cousin. Darr and Modell argued that there results indicated an increasing rate of consanguineous marriage in the relatively small group studied, contrasting with the decreasing rate which was observed in some other countries. They had enquired 900 women in hospitals in Lahore, Pakistan, in 1983 showing 36% first cousin marriages, 4% first cousin once removed, 8% second cousin, and 53% unrelated (of which 25% were in the Biraderi (same kinship). These figures are almost identical with those reported in Britain for the grand parental generation (who were married while they were in Pakistan), and supported their conclusion that the frequency of c lose consanguineous marriage was increasing among British Pakistanis (p. 189). According to another research by Modell (1991) both in Pakistan and the UK about 75% of marriages are between relatives, but the frequency of closely consanguineous marriage has increased with migration, about 55% of couples of reproductive age in England being married to a first cousin. In many cases the relationship is closer than first cousins because of previous consanguineous marriages in the family. The proportion of cousin marriages is likely to fall but the absolute number will increase, at least for the next generation, because the population is growing. According to the results of a study by Alam Husband (2006), Muslims comprise the UKs largest religious minority, and are the object of analysis and concern within various policy arenas and popular debates, including immigration, marriage and partner selection, social cohesion and integration. Their research analysed experiences and narratives from 25 men aged 16 to 38, their accounts shedding light on what it means to be a Bradfordian of Pakistani and Muslim heritage. It also highlighted the policy context surrounding the mens attitudes toward various facets of their lives, including marriage, family, work, the city in general, and the neighbourhood in which they lived. Alam Husband concluded that although there were some generational continuity of cultural values and norms, several significant changes were also simultaneously taking place. Shaw (2001) began his study by supposing that in the 1990s, forty years after Pakistani migration to Britain began, the rate of consanguineous marriage among British Pakistanis would show signs of decline, as the urbanized and British-educated descendants of pioneer immigrants adopt the values of many contemporary Westerners and reject arranged marriages. However, on the contrary based on the statistical data he gathered, he saw that Pakistani marriage patterns showed no such clear trend, and instead there was some evidence that, within certain groups of British Pakistanis, the rate of first-cousin marriage had increased rather than declined. The study offered an analysis and interpretation of a high rate of marriage to relatives, especially first cousins, in a sample of second-generation British Pakistanis. It argued that the high rate of such marriage is not a simple reflection of a cultural preference. The research also underlines the inadequacy of a blanket category Pakistani in relation to marriage patterns and choices. Shaw suggested that certain variations in region of origin, caste, socio-economic status, and upbringing must be considered in analysis in order to reveal the processes that have generated this pattern and allowed it to persist. Simpson (1997) claims that in Bradford 50 per cent of marriages are trans-continental, i.e. the partner sare from Pakistan. He has proposed two reasons that help explain the reasons for choosing partners from outside Britain, and has analysed the ways these reasons operate independently or may reinforce each other. Firstly, there is a cultural preference for consanguinity, usually marriage to a cousin, which is prevalent among the Pakistani community. As Sarah Bundey et al. (1990) showed in her research that 69 per cent of Birmingham Pakistani marriages are consanguineous and it is expected that if current researchers were carried out they will show similar levels in Bradford, considerably higher than in Pakistan itself. Simpson (1997) further argues that since emigration from Pakistan to Britain is usually seen as a positive achievement, marriage also functions specifically to fulfil a commitment to improve the family fortunes. He gives the second reason that many Muslim young peopl e in Bradford express a cultural preference for partners with traditional values and that sentiment is echoed by their parents who then arrange or help to arrange their marriage partners from Pakistan. Simpson nevertheless points out that, this trend should not be seen as simply a preference for subservient wives albeit this may be true for some. He further points out that there is qualitative evidence that some young Muslim women see men with traditional values from Pakistan as providing a more secure family future than the more liberal friends with whom they have grown up in Bradford. This Simpson points out may coincide both with the strong Muslim and the strong Pakistani identities that are noted among Bradford young women, based on researchers by Kim Knott and Sajda Khokher (1993) and by Kauser Mirza (1989). Modood and Berthoud (1997) carried out a research to show that among ethnic minority groups 20 per cent of African-Caribbeans