Newspaper report on the conditions in the factories and mining areas Essay - 1

Newspaper report on the conditions in the factories and mining areas of Industrial England - Essay Example The poor building design of the industrial cities, coupled with the existence of carbon emissions from the fireworks in the industries have combined to deny the residents of the industrial cities an access to clean air, and thus the result is the inhalation of air that is short in oxygen but highly enriched in carbon and other air pollutants from the surrounding industries, whose consequence on the residents has been† mental and physical lassitude and low vitality† (Engels, 1). Thus, the conditions of the factories and mining areas are characterized by people who have acute health problems, which are a function of chronic poverty, coupled with inflammatory infections (Engels, 2). Further, it is through bad ventilation and overcrowding that characterizes these areas, that the level of deaths and illnesses have continuously increased, while the productivity of the workforce in the industries and the factories continue to decline, considering that they can no longer perform at their best, due to health complications (Chadwick, 2). The congestion of the people in the working rooms within the industries and factories is inconceivable, considering that a room that is a maximum of 18 yards long and 8 yards wide can be used by approximately 80 people, and most importantly heavily working, breathing and sweating people (Chadwick, 2). In better terms, the conditions in the factories and mining areas of Industrial England can simply be termed as horrific, when the reality sinks in the mind, in consideration of the fact that men are working knee to knee during the summer, with the room lit with sky lights, but candles introduced when the hours have proceeded and darkness is setting in. when the people start sweating, and the air within the room becomes completely short of oxygen, while the breathing adds more carbon and yet the candles that have been lit increases the heat and the carbon levels in the air, the conditions become intolerable for the workers, and people â€Å"faint away in the shop from the excessive heat and closeness†, despite the smell being intolerable (Chadwick, 2). The conditions in the industries and the factories are neither better during the winter season, since the scathing cold gives the workers more reasons to stay even closer, while blocking all the ventilation and closing the windows, to stay away from cold. The consequence of this is that; the atmosphere becomes even more polluted, while the smell increases two folds, causing even more people to suffer more adverse health effects in the winter than in the summer, since at least during the summer windows and the little ventilations allow in air, even though it is not any fresh (Chadwick, 4). While affecting the health of the workers adversely, the horrific atmosphere and the lack of clean air for breathing takes a toll on the workers, through reducing their energies, and consequently their level of performance (Engels, 1). While the conditions in the wor kplaces could be considered horrific, the places of residence of the working classes are not any better. It could be significantly disturbing to have heaps of decaying wastes just outside the compound of the people living in the villages, because for them, the garbage heap is a source of nuisance, especially when the wind blows the garbage components and the smell in the direction of the house (Engels, 2). However, the condition is even worse for those living in the industrial cities, where the heap of garbage is either close to the door or right across the street, but the worst thing is that there is not even the wind to blow in fresh air, meaning that the stench characterizes the air around the houses (Engels, 2). The devastating working and living conditions of

Managing Organisational Change Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Managing Organisational Change - Essay Example Recent advancements in technology and globalization have rendered the business environment full of changes. For instance, the emergence of mobile adaptability and social media has resulted in an increase in the need for change. Paying attention to detail has raised the stakes for failed business efforts pilling pressure on the struggling executives. With this so much change going on in the business environment, firm need to learn how to adapt to these changes. Organizational changes ensure that changes are smoothly and successfully implemented in order to attain long-lasting benefits. Change occurs due to the pressure of both external and internal forces in the firm. The paper will discuss technology advancements and change of managerial personnel as external and internal forces of change in an organization respectively. The paper will go ahead and relate how these pressures have impacted on Group Danone. Technological advancements have a secondary influence of increasing the availability and accountability of change. Therefore, to remain and survive in the business environment, the management needs to be alert to any changing forces and make a response by initiating changes within the organization. Palmer, Dunford and Akin, (2009:358) argue that the images for managing change include the director, navigator, caretaker, coach, interpreter, and nurturer. For instance, during the course of change, the director is tasked with the responsibility of designing the process of change and directing people to adhere in that the change is attained as planned. The navigator designs the change process in order to best fit the conditions experienced. The caretaker role is attained are attained due to environmental factors. The coach is tasked assisting the members of the organization to develop within themselves the abilities prerequisite for success. For a change to be effective, the organizations need to ensure that the employees are in support of

Pakistani Community In Britain Sociology Essay

Pakistani Community In Britain Sociology Essay Ali (1982) Pakistanis main concentration is in U.K. where they began in the early 20th century as sailors in the Merchant Navy and soldiers in the British army. They had an opportunity to migrate in large numbers following the economic expansion and shortage of labour resulting from the two world wars. However, their migration did not have a set pattern up until the last half of the 1950s. (p. 5-7) Post world war two migration to Britain from the Asian subcontinent was based on imperial ties and largely driven by economic imperatives. Rebuilding post war economy entailed a demand for labour that could not be satisfied by the British population itself. After 1945, virtually all countries in Western Europe began to attract significant numbers of workers from abroad and by the late 1960s they mostly came from developing countries in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and the Middle East (Massey, D. et.al , 1993, p. 431). Islam in the UK has a South Asian character. The largest number of Muslims originates from Pakistan (Samad Sen, p.43). Further to this, the largest group of Muslims from the Indian subcontinent have come from Pakistan, both West and East (Ibid.) In Pakistan, major impetuses to emigrate came from the poorer agricultural areas of the Mirpuri district in southern Kashmir and the Cambellpur district of the north-eastern Punjab. Smaller numbers left from the North-west Fron tier Province next to the Afghani border. In the case of Mirpur, a further factor was the disruption caused by the Mangla Dam project which started in 1960, and was ultimately to flood about 250 villages. In East Pakistan, which was later to become Bangladesh, the two main sources of immigration were in the Sylhet district in the north-east and the maritime region around Chittagong. Due to the struggles of a newly developed state and poverty, many Pakistanis took the opportunity to come and work in Britain. (Neilsen, 2004, p. 41) Before 1962, Pakistanis were British subjects (under the 1948 British Nationality Act) and could enter Britain without restriction. There was a dramatic increase in the rate of immigration just before the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962  [1]  was passed. Before the act of 1962 was passed about fifty thousand people entered Britain within 18 months, in comparison the 17,000 who entered between 1955 and 1960 (Shaw, 1998: 25). The threat of Britains immigration controls also coincided with a change in the Pakistani Governments policy on immigration. In 1961, when the 1962 Common wealth Act was imminent, Pakistani government withdrew restrictions on immigration and promoted the migration of 5,000 people in a move to compensate Mirpuri villagers who had been dispossessed of land by the construction of the dam (Shaw, 1998: 25). Until the beginning of the 1960s, entry into the UK by the citizens of British colonies and member countries of the Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1962, introduced restrictions on immigration to the UK. Although it was intended to discourage Pakistanis and people from Commonwealth countries from migrating to the country, it turned out to have the opposite effect. The unintended effect of the 1971 Immigration Act  [2]  was that a significant number of Pakistanis and from the other countries entered the UK to beat the ban (Shaw, 1994, as quoted in Samad Sen, 2007, p. 28). 1970s family reunification marked a turning point for the establishment of Islam in Europe. Along with emergence of community through family reunification, some of the conventional norms rooted in social relations, through the practice of Islam began to emerge (Ibid., p.38) These labour migrants despite their social origins and qualification levels were largely confined to low-paid manual work and faces racial discrimination when being recruited for jobs (Modood, 2005, p. 60). In the 1970s Ethnic minorities were branded as scroungers and the threat of overcrowding was becoming a grave concern. Enoch Powell, in 1967, openly advocated a policy of repatriation where he argued not for migrants; families to be reunited in Britain but rather that migrants should be returned home and reunited with families over there (Jones and Wellhengama, 2000: 16). Further to this, by emphasising that Britishness comprises common biological roots, a common language and an allegiance to the Crown; parliamentarians easily excluded certain migrants (Ibid, p. 31). With the consequences of state led policies of migration, and arrival and settlement of a growing Pakistani community, emerged socio-economic problems that this new community had to face. The next part of the essay will discuss the various ways in which the British Pakistanis are disadvantaged and ways in which they responded to the underlying and changing political, social and economic conditions in Britain. While the disadvantage of Pakistanis actually predates the rise of anti-Muslim prejudice, the latter threatens to exacerbate the former and to prevent the formation of goodwill required to act against the chronic disadvantage of Pakistanis in Britain. (Modood, 2005, p. 80) As the Labour force survey (Spring, 2000 as quoted in Saman Sen, p. 45) illustrates, Pakistanis are two and a half times more likely than the white population to be unemployed and nearly three times more likely to be in low-paid jobs. According to Cessari (p. 58) the socio-economic marginality of Pakistanis is most often accompanied by residential segregation. She argues that the data from the British census show that Pakistani immigrants tend to live in the most dilapidated or unhealthy housing conditions. Chain migration processes have a strong influence on locating minorities in clusters. Hostility from the society within which the settlement takes place can reduce the ability of the group to disperse and defence may be an important element in clustering. There are both positive and negative reasons for clustering in most ethnic clustering patterns and, given their simultaneous presence in many situations, it is difficult to disentangle dominant from recessive factors. Nevertheless, it is important to recognize that not all segregation results from negative factors such as white racism (Peach, 1996, p. 228) Rex and Moore (1967) demonstrated high levels of discrimination against immigrants, particularly against Pakistanis, in their field area of Sparkbrook in Birmingham. They showed high concentrations of Pakistans in their lowest housing class, the rooming house. Work by Dahya (1974), on the other hand, argued that Pakistani concentration in multi-occupied accommodation was a preferred, not an enforced, strategy. He argued that chain migration by village and family, the desire to maximize savings, shared language and religion, culinary needs and so forth all argued in favour of sharing accommodation. Thus, although discrimination existed, it was not material to the patterns of concentration that arose. Many of the early Pakistani migrants to Britain have been the most reluctant to attach a British identity to themselves. With the effects of globalisation, Pakistanis are also worried about losing their traditions, customs and values and hence hold onto the security of their close knit society with a hesitance in accepting anything British; (Jacobson, 1997, 185). Pakistani British Muslims have been vastly influenced by cultures and customs emanating from the subcontinent, and this will continue to happen for another generation or two. The context within which they practice their religion is after all, Pakistani one: not only because they younger generation learned about Islam from their Pakistani parents but also because Pakistanis are the dominant group within the local Muslim community. They are used to hearing Urdu spoken in mosque, eating Pakistani food and wearing Pakistani clothes at religious festivals, follow Pakistani customs at weddings and other religiousceremonies and abide by and rail against definitions of moral behaviour which have more to do with the norms of Pakistani village life. For them the interconnections between ethnic culture and religion are dense and intricate (Jacobson, J. 2003, p. 147) V.S. Khan (1979), writing on Mirpuris in Bradford, discusses the effect of migration on those arriving in Britain and ways in which this shapes their socio-cultural behavior. He maintains that the very means of coping with migration could lead to inherent stresses, in that the knowledge of traditional culture in the homeland, constant evaluation through the process of migration to Britain and prior expectations have a direct affect on the migrants life-style and values. The stressful experience of migration is alsoa crucial determinant of a migrants perception of his situation, and the actual options open to him. While many of the supportive institutions of village life buffer confrontation with the new and alien world in Britain, in the long term they not only restrict access to it, but also hinder the attainment of things valued (Ibid. p. 55) Werbner discusses similar factors: the social stresses experienced by Pakistani migrants in Britain derive from three main `arenas; the traditional culture and emigration area; the migration process; and settlement in the new environment and society (1990: 37). Her analysis however, presents a more positive view of the adaptability of Pakistanis to new circumstances, in particular to those concerning women, and regarding the expansion of kinship networks to inculcate friends and members of other sub-castes. (Imtiaz, 1997, p. 36) Significance of Bradford: The Bradford Metropolitan District is situated west of Leeds; north of the trans- Pennine highway. To the north and east lies North Yorkshire, with its manor houses, farms and cathedral cities, while to the west and north lies the Lake District. The city has been the centre of the wool trade since the 18th century and, until recently, wool dominated the local economy. Even the engineering and chemical industries were associated with the wool trade by supplying the needs of the textile industry. Throughout the 19th century it was mainly a working class city structured around a low wage economy. The global networks, stretching out to the colonies, in particular, were constructed around importing wool and reprocessing it for export. These networks persisted into the mid-twentieth century (Samad Eade, Community Laison Unit) Although Pakistani Muslims settled in various parts of the United Kingdom, Bradford still has one of the highest concentrations of Pakistani Muslims in the country (and more than any other Yorkshire and Humber region) (Din, 2006). Bradford is one of many towns and cities that have ethnically diverse populations in terms of religion as well such places as Tower Hamlets, Birmingham and Slough (National Census, 2001). The Bradford area also has one of the highest numbers of individuals who were born outside the European Union (National Census, 2001). The majority of Muslims in Bradford have roots in rural areas, with a large majority of Pakistanis from Mirpur in Azad Kashmir, a mountainous region and one of the least northern areas of Pakistan. This Pakistani community has a growing underclass with a significant section of young men under achieving in schools. They are generally characterised by low educational qualifications and occupational concentrations in restaurants and taxi driving. Along with low participation of women in the formal labour market and marriage at an early age, fewer years of education, lower educational skills and large average family and household size contributes to multiple deprivations (Lewis, 2007). Bradford has a rich religious, ethnic and cultural diversity. With a range of ethnic communities, it is predominantly Muslim (16.1 per cent) and largely of Pakistani origin with 14.5 percent of the total population of the city (National Statistics, 2003 as quoted in Gilligan, 2005). The Pakistani communities are very much concentrated in the inner wards of the city, where they tend to live amidst a relatively self-contained world of businesses and institutions, religious and cultural, which they have created to service, their specific needs (Lewis, 2002, p. 203.) Compared to other majority white communities, Bradfords Asian population is relatively young (National Statistics, 2003). They also tend to be located in areas facing relatively high levels of deprivation and disadvantage (DETR, 2000; Cantle, 2001; Denham, 2001 as quoted in Gilligan Akhtar, 2005). According to the Change Institutes report on the Pakistani Muslim Community in England, (2009) currently Bradford has the largest proportion of its total population (15%) identifying itself as of Pakistani origin in England. The report suggests that the latest estimates (from Bradford Metropolitan District Council) have indicated that the South Asian population has grown considerably over the last decade to 94,250, and that the people of Pakistani/Kashmiri origin number about 73,900. It further states that the South Asian population now represents about 19 per cent of the total population of Bradford and 16 per cent of Bradfords residents are Muslims, compared to the national average of 3 per cent. Therefore, the overwhelming majority of Pakistanis (young and old) have an attachment to Bradford. For many older Pakistanis, who arrived in the late 1950s and early 60s, Bradford is Mirpur is their home from home. For the young generations of Pakistanis it is their home (Din, 2006) Studies on Mirpuris: Much of the literature on Pakistanis in Britain, particularly from the late 1970s up to the late 1980s, tends to be based on studies of communities in particular towns, such as Anwar (1979) on Rochdale, Currer (1983) on Bradford, Jeffrey (1979) on Bristol, Shaw (1988) on Oxford, and Werbner (1985 1990) on Manchester. A number of studies have explored the extent of Asian (or Pakistani) migration and settlement across various geographical towns and cities (see Khan, 1974, 1979; Anwar, 1979; Shaw, 1988, 1994; Werbner, 1990). Some have had a particular focus on employment and housing issues (in particular Dahya, 1974; Werbner and Anwar, 1991; Anwar, 1991). Measuring the economic position of communities is easier to determine; what is more difficult is to examine the experiences and attitudes of young people towards their parents/elders; their community and the wider British society. There is an enormous amount of published work on the early immigrants (Rose et al, 1969; Dahya, 1974; Khan 1979). Rose et al (1969) is a good starting point for cultural studies relating to the Pakistani community. Rose explored issues such as the need to recruit labour immigrants to meet the needs of the British economy and the settlement process of the early immigrants in textile cities like Bradford. In addition he explored the problems encountered, such as obtaining suitable accommodation, access to public services, integration and the problems of adapting to a very different way of life. The experiences of families of early settlers joining their husbands in the United Kingdom have also, to an extent, been explored. This shows close-knit family ties which exist in Pakistani families, arranged marriages, biraderi and gender inequalities in Pakistani households (Khan, 1979). One of the earliest writers on Pakistanis in England is Dahya (1973 1974), who began his research in Birmingham and Bradford in 1956 and continued to publish into the 1980s. He remains amongst a hand full of researchers who have endeavoured to describe daily life amongst the single, male migrants and the control exercised over them by heads of families back in Pakistan. He clearly explained the nature of the links between the migrants in England and the social structures operating in Pakistan, based on the need for the migrant, whose family has sent him abroad in order for him to send back remittances and thus benefit not only immediate relatives but also the whole of the biraderi or kinship group. He concludes that: the Pakistani migrant community is in a very real sense a transitional society going through the phase of development from a rural to an urban industrial society (1973: p, 275). Today, with the constant movement between the villages of origin of Pakistani migrants and their places of inhabitancy in Britain, paving way for a constant, rapid social and economic change in both societies, his conclusion tends to be within a situational context of a time, when both were much more separate than they are today. Jamal (1998) carried out a research to explore food consumption experiences the British-Pakistanis in Bradford, UK and the ways the British Pakistanis perceive their food, and their perception of English food in the UK. He identified that the first generation of British-Pakistanis perceive their own food to be traditional, tasty but oily and problematic. Various English foods are perceived by them as foreign, bland, but nonetheless, healthy. The young generation of British-Pakistanis are increasingly consuming mainstream English foods while also consuming traditional Pakistani food. Rex and Moore (1967) demonstrated high levels of discrimination against immigrants, particularly against Pakistanis, in their field area of Sparkbrook in Birmingham. They showed high concentrations of Pakistans in their lowest housing class, the rooming house. Work by Dahya (1974), on the other hand, argued that Pakistani concentration in multi-occupied accommodation was a preferred, not an enforced, strategy. He argued that chain migration by village and family, the desire to maximize savings, shared language and religion, culinary needs and so forth all argued in favour of sharing accommodation. Thus, although discrimination existed, it was not material to the patterns of concentration that arose. According to the Labour force survey (Spring, 2000 as quoted in Saman Sen, p. 45), Pakistanis are two and a half times more likely than the white population to be unemployed and nearly three times more likely to be in low-paid jobs. According to Cessari (p. 58) the socio-economic marginality of Pakistanis is most often accompanied by residential segregation. She argues that the data from the British census show that Pakistani immigrants tend to live in the most dilapidated or unhealthy housing conditions. Another study of south Asian Muslims in Bradford by Khan (2009) refutes the commonly held belief that British Muslim alienation is an entirely Islamist narrative. In fact, the subjects of the study are alienated not only from British society but also from the cultural traditions and values of their own families. The author of the study was struck by their disconnected individualism and described them as libertines. This clearly contradicts the stereotype of Islamists radicalised by a hatred of Western society. Recent study by Bolgnani (2007) highlights forms of homeland attachment and analyses their significance among second- and third-generation British Pakistanis by comparison with the myth of return that characterised the early pioneer phase of Pakistani migration to Britain. He highlights that Homeland attachment for young British Pakistanis is constituted through school holidays spent in Pakistan, participation there in life-cycle rituals involving the wider kinship network, and the older generations promotion of the idea of Pakistan as a spiritual and cultural homeland. It further suggests that, for the pioneer generation, the myth of return justified a socio-economically motivated migration. He further argues that for the second and third generations, the homeland attachments and the idea of a possible return to Pakistan is a response to contemporary political tensions and Islamophobia. Therefore, he concludes that while myth of return still remains, for the majority, that myth has been revitalised and has a new political significance in the contemporary political context of British Pakistanis. However, another study of south Asian Muslims in Bradford by Khan (2009) refutes the commonly held belief that British Muslim alienation is an entirely Islamist narrative. In fact, the subjects of the study are alienated not only from British society but also from the cultural traditions and values of their own families. The author of the study was struck by their disconnected individualism and described them as libertines. This clearly contradicts the stereotype of Islamists radicalised by a hatred of Western society. Marriages: The governing principle of marital choice in any community is homogamy the selection of a partner from a similar social background shaped, for example, by race, class, ethnicity, religion, age and education, thus those who do not conform to these norms, in some circumstances, suffer sanctions, ranging from disapproval to ostracism (Bradford Commission Report 1996). For Pakistanis, the life-cycle with weddings, births and funerals is particularly lived in a shared way by the family extended and split over two continents, Europe and Asia. Adults make return trips for various reasons, but most centrally to arrange or perform a childs marriage (Ballard 1987, p. 21; Shaw 2001, p. 319-325). Among British Pakistanis marriage is not only within the same ethnic group, but consanguineous-arranged with relatives-according to clan as well as caste systems. In a complex context of ethnicity and caste, marriage is often seen as the chosen mechanism to consolidate biradari  [3]  loyalties. Furthermore, due to chain migration, stronger village and kin networks were created, that were later reinforced by transnational arranged marriages, often with cousins from the same area or village. Pakistanis, like many other groups, consider it an important parental responsibility to find spouses for their children. They prefer to select someone they know well, to be sure that he or she has the qualities they appreciate and will make a caring partner. However, Khan (1977) argues in his research that ethnic minorities such as Pakistanis, face two problems namely the limited availability of suitable persons in the restricted local community, and another the fact that their circle of acquaintance in the country of origin tends to shrink within the limits of the extended family. Therefore, for groups with a tradition of consanguineous marriage, it is only natural for the choice of partner to fall progressively closer within the family circle. This argument is supported by Rao Inbaraj (1979) who give evidence to support this view from South India, arguing that for South Asians monogamous, close consanguineous marriage has been practised for thousands of years. Moreover, Bano (1991) discussed the upward social mobility through the institution of marriage amongst British Pakistanis, which she sees as being marked in the Netherlands in comparison to Pakistan. She described the practice of cousin marriages explaining their common prevalence amongst relatively wealthy, rural, as well as landowning families. She then discusses the extension of cousin marriage (Ibid. p.15), proposing that it could include partners being chosen from distant family, or from the same religious tendency, or from the parents close business contacts. According to a research conducted by Overall and Nichols (2001), the U.K. Asian population, particularly within the Pakistani communities, tends to have high levels of consanguineous unions which are correlated with high rates of morbidity and mortality (Darr and Modell 1988; Terry et al. 1985; Bundey et al. 1991 as quoted in Overall Nickols, 2001). It is not unusual to observe a proportion of first-cousin marriages of around 50% (Darr and Modell 1988). Modood et al. argue that the Asian older generation prefers marriages to be arranged by families within the clan or extended family and that love marriages were not the most appropriate way of finding a life-partner. The most frequent argument supporting this view was that love marriages are equated with high levels of divorce. Arranged marriages are seen as diminishing the likelihood of divorce because the partners are chosen for their compatibility and suitable family backgrounds (Modood et al. 1997). According to most researchers there is a continuing prevalence for high rates of intercontinental and intra-caste marriages (over 50%) between British Pakistani spouses and brides or grooms in Pakistan (Charsley, 2003; Shaw, 2001). It is suggested that the pressure for such marriages is apparently exerted by close relatives in Pakistan who use marriage as a route for their children to migrate legally to Britain. According to recent research, however, the spouses marrying into Britain often suffer isolation, and have poor employment prospects (Charsley, 2003). Furthermore, most Pakistani children are compliant and agree, however reluctantly, to cousin and intercontinental marriages (Jacobson, 1998). The Home Office statistics show an influx of 15,000 prospective marriage partners (male and female) from the Indian sub-continent arriving in Britain in 2001 alone, the vast majority arranged by parents for their British-born children (Werbner, 2005). Charsley (2003) reports that, in 2000, there were 10,000 people both men and women, who married into Braitian. Werbner (2005) explains this phenomenon by arguing that Islam permits marriage with a wide range of close kin and affines, and according to recent researches, the majority of Pakistani marriages continue to take place within the biradari; a local agnatic lineage and, more widely, an ego-focused kindred of traceable affines and consanguineous kin. She argues that this notion of biradari helps mediate between kinship, locality and zat (caste), and that such biradaris are ranked and reflect class and caste status in the Pakistani society (Werbner, 2005). Darr and Modell (1988) conducted a research that carried inculcated an enquiry answered by 100 randomly selected British Pakistani mothers in the postnatal wards of two hospitals in West Yorkshire, Bradford, showed that 55 were married to their first cousins, while only 33 cases had individuals whether their mother had been married to her first cousin. Darr and Modell argued that there results indicated an increasing rate of consanguineous marriage in the relatively small group studied, contrasting with the decreasing rate which was observed in some other countries. They had enquired 900 women in hospitals in Lahore, Pakistan, in 1983 showing 36% first cousin marriages, 4% first cousin once removed, 8% second cousin, and 53% unrelated (of which 25% were in the Biraderi (same kinship). These figures are almost identical with those reported in Britain for the grand parental generation (who were married while they were in Pakistan), and supported their conclusion that the frequency of c lose consanguineous marriage was increasing among British Pakistanis (p. 189). According to another research by Modell (1991) both in Pakistan and the UK about 75% of marriages are between relatives, but the frequency of closely consanguineous marriage has increased with migration, about 55% of couples of reproductive age in England being married to a first cousin. In many cases the relationship is closer than first cousins because of previous consanguineous marriages in the family. The proportion of cousin marriages is likely to fall but the absolute number will increase, at least for the next generation, because the population is growing. According to the results of a study by Alam Husband (2006), Muslims comprise the UKs largest religious minority, and are the object of analysis and concern within various policy arenas and popular debates, including immigration, marriage and partner selection, social cohesion and integration. Their research analysed experiences and narratives from 25 men aged 16 to 38, their accounts shedding light on what it means to be a Bradfordian of Pakistani and Muslim heritage. It also highlighted the policy context surrounding the mens attitudes toward various facets of their lives, including marriage, family, work, the city in general, and the neighbourhood in which they lived. Alam Husband concluded that although there were some generational continuity of cultural values and norms, several significant changes were also simultaneously taking place. Shaw (2001) began his study by supposing that in the 1990s, forty years after Pakistani migration to Britain began, the rate of consanguineous marriage among British Pakistanis would show signs of decline, as the urbanized and British-educated descendants of pioneer immigrants adopt the values of many contemporary Westerners and reject arranged marriages. However, on the contrary based on the statistical data he gathered, he saw that Pakistani marriage patterns showed no such clear trend, and instead there was some evidence that, within certain groups of British Pakistanis, the rate of first-cousin marriage had increased rather than declined. The study offered an analysis and interpretation of a high rate of marriage to relatives, especially first cousins, in a sample of second-generation British Pakistanis. It argued that the high rate of such marriage is not a simple reflection of a cultural preference. The research also underlines the inadequacy of a blanket category Pakistani in relation to marriage patterns and choices. Shaw suggested that certain variations in region of origin, caste, socio-economic status, and upbringing must be considered in analysis in order to reveal the processes that have generated this pattern and allowed it to persist. Simpson (1997) claims that in Bradford 50 per cent of marriages are trans-continental, i.e. the partner sare from Pakistan. He has proposed two reasons that help explain the reasons for choosing partners from outside Britain, and has analysed the ways these reasons operate independently or may reinforce each other. Firstly, there is a cultural preference for consanguinity, usually marriage to a cousin, which is prevalent among the Pakistani community. As Sarah Bundey et al. (1990) showed in her research that 69 per cent of Birmingham Pakistani marriages are consanguineous and it is expected that if current researchers were carried out they will show similar levels in Bradford, considerably higher than in Pakistan itself. Simpson (1997) further argues that since emigration from Pakistan to Britain is usually seen as a positive achievement, marriage also functions specifically to fulfil a commitment to improve the family fortunes. He gives the second reason that many Muslim young peopl e in Bradford express a cultural preference for partners with traditional values and that sentiment is echoed by their parents who then arrange or help to arrange their marriage partners from Pakistan. Simpson nevertheless points out that, this trend should not be seen as simply a preference for subservient wives albeit this may be true for some. He further points out that there is qualitative evidence that some young Muslim women see men with traditional values from Pakistan as providing a more secure family future than the more liberal friends with whom they have grown up in Bradford. This Simpson points out may coincide both with the strong Muslim and the strong Pakistani identities that are noted among Bradford young women, based on researchers by Kim Knott and Sajda Khokher (1993) and by Kauser Mirza (1989). Modood and Berthoud (1997) carried out a research to show that among ethnic minority groups 20 per cent of African-Caribbeans

No Tax Dollars for Religious Education Essay -- Argumentative Persuasi

No Tax Dollars for Religious Education Tax dollars are your money at work.   Do you want your money to go to fund private religious schools?   Tax dollars should not fund religious education because it is a violation of the separation of church and state clause of the first amendment to the constitution. Lately we have seen proposals for vouchers.   These vouchers are public money given to low income family so they may send their kids to private schools.   Most of the schools who use this program are religious.   In the Cleveland voucher program we see there were 3,761 children are enrolled and 96 percent of those children are attending religious schools.   Also 82 percent of the participating schools were sectarian.   This voucher program was challenged in the 6th circuit court with the Simmons-Harris v. Zelman case.   It was ruled the Cleveland voucher program â€Å"clearly has the impermissible effect on promoting sectarian schools†. Voucher plans have been brought up in many different places and most of the time they seem to receive the same reactions.   They are being shot down a...

Examine and Assess the Ways the State Claims Legitimacy

The state refers to the shared ideas and expectations regarding the ordering of social life, it is seen by social scientists as a set of practices and organisations. The state is an institutional order striving to create some order, thus preventing chaos in order to ensure law and order to encourage social stability. Governments include a part of the state, with the main concern being the protection of individual freedom, the government demands the right to represent or rule some areas of society’s lives. Social scientists are able to see the differences between what the government is and what the state is all about. On the whole the government includes a group of ministers who rule and administer the laws concerning national issues, whereas the state is seen to have continuity, therefore it is not temporary, the state is based on shared beliefs concerning the arrangements of social life. The English historian AJP Taylor argued that until August 1915 â€Å"a sensible law abiding Englishman could pass through life and hardly notice the existence of the state beyond the post office and the policeman† (Exploring social lives 2009). This shows that from the end of this period and onwards across the United Kingdom the state appears to be everywhere, it shows that the lives of society have been made and remade by the state as during World War 1 and World War 2 acts of parliament were passed, the state legitimised acts which could not be contested by society as they were faced with war and great turmoil. The state is part of the discourses that can be seen in day to day life and can be seen by such organisations as schools, hospitals, housing and transport to name a few. The making and remaking of the state is also shown to be constructed by society, whereby individuals have had to become â€Å"active citizens†. This making and remaking can be seen by the members of society who pay their taxes, who comply with the speed limit, individuals who renew their MOT and so forth, on the other hand many may also unmake the state by not complying with the law, this however would lead to consequences by the state and shows that the state can claim legitimacy over such members of society. Christopher Hood (1982, Exploring social lives) a political scientist argues that the bodies that now make up the state are a â€Å"formless mass†. By this he means that the state is so large and made up of many organisations and practices compared to a century ago that it is full of complexity. With reference to the essay title it is difficult to actually decipher what legitimacy actually means, this is because the government or state have their own ideas of what is legal and lawful whereby they pass acts of law which lead to legislation, however some members of society may not agree with what the state deems to be legitimate, one such example is the evidence shown in the Exploring Social Lives DVD involving the coal miners’ strike. Although the miners’ strike was caused by the massive pit closure programme that was introduced by Thatcher and her Conservative government; the government used the state and the police to help defeat the miners’ strike. The miners were also prevented from claiming state benefits this was due to the fact that welfare benefits were not permitted to individuals who were on strike. Another act was also passed in 1980 concerning the social security act, this saw that any dependents of any individual striking would not be permitted to receive any payments even if they were in â€Å"urgent need†. The German sociologist Max Weber defined the state as â€Å"a human community that claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory†. By this he means that the state can choose to pass laws that cannot be contested by others, the state is therefore more dominant. In the case of the coal miners it shows that the state claimed legitimacy when passing such acts of law and showed they were more dominant than the coal workers. Members of society can show whether they are opposed by some acts passed by the state by having elections, however this does not mean that society can question the states legitimacy it is merely a way for individuals to question government policies and elect a new government if need be. David Beetham a democratic theorist argued that political A9363176 legitimacy can come into being from a number of points, firstly legal validity, by this he means that a government is formed, and then state agencies operate according to the rules of the constitution. Secondly justifiability of those rules in terms of local values, by this he questions the constitutional rules and asks if they are satisfactory to the members of society who are ruled by them. Thirdly evidence of express consent, this is whereby members of society can have the opportunity to either withhold or not their agreement with the government and its policies (1992 Exploring social lives). The general idea of Beetham’s statement shows that the legitimacy of a state can be if the constitutional rules are acceptable to the members of society that are ruled by them. The state can also be experienced through the census, which is carried out every ten years. The state claims legitimacy through the census as you are required by law to complete it. However in many cases members of society do not comply and choose to ignore aspects of some of the categories that they are meant to complete. Other ways in which the state can claim legitimacy is through indirect influences such as education, for example in Exploring Social Lives parents such as Jill have to make choices in the selection of nurseries and schools that would be appropriate for their child. This shows that education is an indirect legislation, although the parent can make choices as to where the child is taught not all parents can be successful in choosing the school of their first choice in addition the child cannot vote or take part in the system so the state can claim legitimacy through the educational system. Another example of how the state claims legitimacy is in the way it is connected to democracy. This type of democratic system is whereby society decides which representatives should be elected to run the country, however democracy is seen to be more than just voting it is based upon the principles of equality and freedom of speech and a way of life. Legitimacy of a state however can only be practised in countries where laws are enforced. Most importantly individuals from a democratic state have particular liberties and freedoms that are protected by the state. Democracy is a political order that happens in the majority of countries, there are very few individuals who would actually object to democracy as it would be denying freedoms. Now in the twenty first century democracy is closely linked to state legitimacy. â€Å"while democracy is not yet universally practised, nor indeed uniformly accepted, in the general climate of world opinion, democratic governance has now achieved the status of being taken to be generally right. The ball is very much in the court of those who want to rubbish democracy to provide justification for that rejection† (Sen 1999 Exploring Social Lives). The political theorist John Hoffman argues that the state cannot exist unless it is being contested. A state claims a monopoly of legitimate force, but ironically it is only because ‘competitors contest the state’s claim to have a monopoly of legitimate force that the state exists at all. A state that really did have a monopoly of legitimate force would have no reason to exist† (Hoffman 2007, Exploring Social Lives). One such example of a state that has been fought for is Northern Ireland. During the years 1919 -1921 after the war of independence Ireland was divided, this new division of Ireland created in the south saw a new independent Irish Republic, whilst the North of Ireland was ruled by the British. The population of Northern Ireland was divided which saw much hostility within societies living there. Most of the population of Northern Ireland looked upon themselves as British (Unionists). Others saw themselves as Loyalists and were mainly Protestants, whilst others saw themselves as Irish Catholics. The Nationalists and Republicans began to contest against the state as they felt they were being discriminated against, this led to civil rights marches during the 1960’s. However in 1972 on the 30th of January a march led to the start of what is known as â€Å"Bloody Sunday†.

History of Sculpture

Assyrian Black Obelisk of Salamander Ill a large and solid late one. The conquest of the whole of Mesopotamia and much surrounding territory by the Assyrian created a larger and wealthier state than the region had known before, and very grandiose art in palaces and public places, no doubt partly intended to match the splendor of the art of the neighboring Egyptian empire. The Assyrian developed a style of extremely large schemes of very finely detailed narrative low relief in stone for palaces, with scenes of war or hunting; the British Museum has an outstanding collection.They produced very little sculpture in the round, except for colossal guardian figures, often the human-headed lamas, which are sculpted in high relief on two sides of a rectangular block, with the heads effectively in the round (and also five legs, so that both views seem complete). Even before dominating the region they had continued the cylinder seal tradition with designs which are often exceptionally energetic and refined. The Guenons Lioness, 3rd Millennium BCC, 3. 5 inches high One of 18 Statues of Guide, a ruler around 2090 BCC The Burner Relief, Old Babylonian, around 1800 BCCAssyrian relief from Nimrod, from c 728 BCC Ancient Egypt The monumental sculpture of Ancient Egypt is world-famous, but refined and delicate small works exist in much greater numbers. The Egyptians used the distinctive technique of sunk relief, which is well suited to very bright sunlight. The main figures in relief adhere to the same figure convention as in painting, with parted legs (where not seated) and head shown from the side, but the torso from the front, and a standard set of proportions making up the figure, using 18 â€Å"fists† to go from the ground to the hair-line on the forehead.This appears as early as the Meaner Palette from Dynasty l, but there as elsewhere the convention is not used for minor figures shown engaged in some activity, such as the captives and corpses. Other conventions mak e statues of males darker than females ones. Very conventionalism portrait statues appear from as early as Dynasty II, before 2,780 BCC, and with the exception of the art of the Marin period of Keenan, and some other periods such as Dynasty XII, the idealized features of rulers, like other Egyptian artistic conventions, changed little until after the Greek conquest.Egyptian pharaohs were always regarded as gods, but other deities are much less common in large statues, except when they represent the pharaoh as another deity; however the other deities are frequently shown in paintings and relief. The famous row of four colossal statues outside the main temple at ABA Simmer each show Renames II, a typical scheme, though here exceptionally large. Small figures of deities, or their animal personifications, are very common, and found in popular materials such as pottery.Most larger sculpture survives from Egyptian temples or tombs; by Dynasty IV (2680-2565 BCC) at the latest the idea of t he Aka statue was army established. These were put in tombs as a resting place for the aka portion of the soul, and so we have a good number of less conventionalism statues of well-off administrators and their wives, many in wood as Egypt is one of the few places in the world where the climate allows wood to survive over millennia. The so-called reserve heads, plain hairless heads, are especially naturalistic.Early tombs also contained small models of the slaves, animals, buildings and objects such as boats necessary for the deceased to continue his lifestyle in the afterworld, and later Shabby figures. Facsimile of the Meaner Palette, c. 3100 BC, which already shows the canonical Egyptian profile view and proportions of the figure. Manure (Mysterious) and queen, Old Kingdom, Dynasty 4, 2490 – 2472 BC. The formality of the pose is reduced by the queen's arm round her husband.Wooden tomb models, Dynasty X'; a high administrator counts his cattle. The Gold Mask of Tutankhamen, c. Leatherette dynasty, Egyptian Museum The Younger Anemone c. 1250 BC, British Museum Souris on a lapis lazuli pillar in the middle, flanked by Hours on the left, Andalusia on the right, 22nd dynasty, Louvre The aka statue provided a physical place for the aka to manifest. Egyptian Museum, Cairo Block statue of Pa-Ankh-Ra, ship master, bearing a statue of Path. Late Period, ca. 650-633 SC, cabinet des M ©dailies.Ancient Greece The first distinctive style of Ancient Greek sculpture developed in the Early Bronze Age Cycladic period (3rd millennium BCC), where marble figures, usually female and small, are represented in an elegantly simplified geometrical style. Most typical is a standing pose with arms crossed in front, but other figures are shown in different poses, including a complicated figure of a harpist seated on a chair. The subsequent Minoan and Mycenaean cultures developed sculpture further, under influence from Syria and elsewhere, but it is in the later Archaic period f rom around 650 BCC that the sours developed.These are large standing statues of naked youths, found in temples and tombs, with the Koreans the clothed female equivalent, with elaborately dressed hair; both have the â€Å"archaic smile†. They seem to have served a number of functions, perhaps sometimes representing deities and sometimes the person buried in a grave, as with the Scissors Sours. They are clearly influenced by Egyptian and Syrian styles, but the Greek artists were much more ready to experiment within the style.During the 6th century Greek sculpture developed rapidly, becoming more naturalistic, and with much more active and varied figure poses in narrative scenes, though still within idealized conventions. Sculptured pediments were added to temples, including the Parthenon in Athens, where the remains of the pediment of around 520 using figures in the round were fortunately used as infill for new buildings after the Persian sack in 480 BCC, and recovered from the sass on in fresh unwatched condition.Other significant remains of architectural sculpture come from Pesetas in Italy, Corp.,Delphi and the Temple of Papaya in Ageing (much now in Munich). Cycladic statue 2800-2300 BC. Parlay marble; 1,5 m high (largest known example of Cycladic sculpture. From Amorous Cycladic statue 2700-2300 BC. Head from the figure of a woman, H. 27 CM (10 h in. ) Cycladic Female Figurine, c. 2500-2400 BCC, 41. 5 CM (16. 3 it-I) high Mycenae, Female portrait, perhaps a sphinx or a goddess. Painted plaster, ca. 1300-1250 BC Mycenae, 1600-1500 BC.Silver rhythm with gold horns and rosette on the forehead Bull's head, Mycenaean rhythm Terra cotta, 1300-1200 BC. Found in a tomb marathons, British Museum Monsoon vase, 670 BC, Decorated photodiodes at Monsoon, Greece, depicting one of the earliest known renditions of Trojan Horse, Archaeological Museum of Monsoon Lifeless sours, c. 590-580 BCC,Metropolitan Museum of Art The â€Å"Angina Sphinx† from Delphi, 570- 560 BC, the figure 222 CM (87. 4 in) high Peoples Core, c. 530 BC, Athens, Acropolis Museum Late Archaic warrior from the east pediment of the Temple of Papaya, c. 00 The Mathis sarcophagus, formulators, Cyprus, 2nd quarter of the 5th century BC Archaic period, Metropolitan Museum of Art Classical We have fewer original remains from the first phase of the Classical period, often called the Severe style; free-standing statues were now mostly made in bronze, which always had value as scrap. The Severe style lasted from around 500 in relief, and soon after 480 in statues, to about 450. The relatively rigid poses of figures relaxed, and asymmetrical turning positions and oblique views became common, and deliberately sought.This was combined with a better understanding of anatomy and the harmonious structure of sculpted figures, and the pursuit of naturalistic presentation as an aim, which had not been present before. Excavations at the Temple of Zeus, Olympia since 1829 have revealed th e largest group of remains, from about 460, of which many are in the Louvre. The â€Å"High Classical† period lasted only a few decades from about 450 to 400, but has had a momentous influence on art, and retains a special prestige, despite a very restricted number of original survivals.The best known works are the Parthenon Marbles, traditionally (since Plutarch) executed by a team led by the most famous Ancient Greek sculptor Aphid's, active from about 465-425, who was in his own day ore famous for his colossal Christianizes Statue of Zeus at Olympia (c 432), one of the Seven Wonders of the Ancient World, his Athena Parthenon (438), the cult image of the Parthenon, and Athena Approaches, a colossal bronze figure that stood next to the Parthenon; all of these are lost but are known from many representations.He is also credited as the creator of some life-size bronze statues known only from later copies whose identification is controversial, including the Lidos Hermes. The Hi gh Classical style continued to develop realism and sophistication in the unman figure, and improved the depiction of drapery (clothes), using it to add to the impact of active poses. Facial expressions were usually very restrained, even in combat scenes. The composition of groups of figures in relief and on pediments combined complexity and harmony in a way that had a permanent influence on Western art.Relief could be very high indeed, as in the Parthenon illustration below, where most of the leg of the warrior is completely detached from the background, as were the missing parts; relief this high made sculptures more subject to damage. The Late Classical style developed the free-standing female nude statue, supposedly an innovation of Parallaxes, and developed increasingly complex and subtle poses that were interesting when viewed from an number of angles, as well as more expressive faces; both trends were to be taken much further in the Hellenic period. High Classical high relief from the Elgin Marbles, which originally decorated the Parthenon, c. 447-433 BCC) Hellenic The Hellenic period is conventionally dated from the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC, and ending either with the final conquest of the Greek heartlands y Rome in 146 BC or with the final defeat of the last remaining successor-state to Alexander empire after the Battle of Actinium in 31 BC, which also marks the end of Republican Rome. 42] It is thus much longer than the previous periods, and includes at least two major phases: a â€Å"Programmer† style of experimentation, exuberance and some sentimentality and vulgarity, and in the 2nd century BC a classifying return to a more austere simplicity and elegance; beyond such generalizations dating is typically very uncertain, especially when only later copies are known, as is usually the case.The initial Programmer style was not especially associated with Bergamot, from which it takes its name, but the very wealthy kings of that stat e were among the first to collect and also copy Classical sculpture, and also commissioned much new work, including the pomegranate Altar whose sculpture is now mostly in Berlin and which exemplifies the new style, as do the Mausoleum at Hallucinations (another of the Seven Wonders), the famous Loco ¶n and his Sons in the Vatican Museums, a late example, and the bronze original of The Dying Gaul (illustrated at top), which we know was part of a group actually commissioned or Bergamot in about 228 BC, from which the Lidos Gaul was also a copy. The group called the Fairness Bull, possibly a 2nd-century marble original, is still larger and more complex,[43] Hellenic sculpture greatly expanded the range of subjects represented, partly as a result of greater general prosperity, and the emergence of a very wealthy class who had large houses decorated with sculpture, although we know that some examples of subjects that seem best suited to the home, such as children with animals, were in fact placed in temples or other public places.For a much more popular home execration market there were Tanager figurines, and those from other centers where small pottery figures were produced on an industrial scale, some religious but others showing animals and elegantly dressed ladies. Sculptors became more technically skilled in representing facial expressions conveying a wide variety of emotions and the portraiture of individuals, as well representing different ages and races. The relief from the Mausoleum are rather atypical in that respect; most work was free- standing, and group compositions with several figures to be seen in the round, like he Lagoon and the Bergamot group celebrating victory over the Galls became popular, having been rare before.Debarring Faun, showing a satyr sprawled asleep, presumably after drink, is an example of the moral relaxation of the period, and the readiness to create large and expensive sculptures of subjects that fall short of the heroic. [44 ] After the conquests of Alexander Hellenic culture was dominant in the courts of most of the Near East, and some of Central Asia, and increasingly being adopted by European elites, especially in Italy, where Greek colonies initially controlled most of he South. Hellenic art, and artists, spread very widely, and was especially influential in the expanding Roman Republic and when it encountered Buddhism in the easternmost extensions of the Hellenic area.The massive so-called Alexander Sarcophagus found in Sided in modern Lebanon, was probably made there at the start of the period by expatriate Greek artists for a Hellenized Persian governor. [45] The wealth of the period led to a greatly increased production of luxury forms of small sculpture, including engraved gems and cameos, Jewelry, and gold and silverware. The Programmer style of the Hellenic period, from topographer Altar, early 2nd century. ) The Rice Bronzes, very rare bronze figures recovered from the sea, c. 460-430 Hermes and the Infant Dionysus, possibly an original by Parallaxes, 4th century Two elegant ladies, pottery figurines, 350-300 Bronze Statuette of a Horse, late 2nd – 1st century B. C. Metropolitan Museum of Art The Winged Victory of Commemorates, c. 90 BC, Louvre Venus De Mill, c. 130 – 100 BC, Greek, the Louvre Loco ¶n and his Sons, Greek, (Literalistic), circa 160 BC and 20 BC,White marble, Vatican Museum Loaches, Apollo Belvedere, c. 30 – 140 AD. Roman copy after a Greek bronze original of 330-320 BC. Vatican Museums Europe after the Greeks Roman Sculpture Early Roman art was influenced by the art of Greece and that of the neighboring Etruscan, themselves greatly influenced by their Greek trading partners. An Etruscan specialist was near life size tomb effigies in terracotta, usually lying on top of a sarcophagus lid propped up on one elbow in the pose of a diner in that period.As the expanding Roman Republic began to conquer Greek territory, at first in Souther n Italy and then the entire Hellenic world except for the Parthian far sat, official and patrician sculpture became largely an extension of the Hellenic style, from which specifically Roman elements are hard to disentangle, especially as so much Greek sculpture survives only in copies of the Roman period. By the 2nd century BCC, â€Å"most of the sculptors working at Rome† were Greek, often enslaved in conquests such as that of Corinth (146 BCC), and sculptors continued to be mostly Greeks, often slaves, whose names are very rarely recorded. Vast numbers of Greek statues were imported to Rome, whether as booty or the result of extortion or amerce, and temples were often decorated with re-used Greek works. A native Italian style can be seen in the tomb monuments, which very often featured portrait busts, of prosperous middle-class Romans, and portraiture is arguably the main strength of Roman sculpture.There are no survivals from the tradition of masks of ancestors that were w orn in processions at the funerals of the great families and otherwise displayed in the home, but many of the busts that survive must represent ancestral figures, perhaps from the large family tombs like the Tomb of the Copies or he later mausoleum outside the city. The famous bronze head supposedly of Luscious Genius Brutes is very variously dated, but taken as a very rare survival of Italic style under the Republic, in the preferred medium of bronze. Similarly stern and forceful heads are seen on coins of the Late Republic, and in the Imperial period coins as well as busts sent around the Empire to be placed in the basilicas of provincial cities were the main visual form of imperial propaganda; even Luminous had a near-colossal statue of Nero, though far smaller than the 30 meter high Colossus of Nero in Rome, owe lost.The Romans did not generally attempt to compete with free-standing Greek works of heroic exploits from history or mythology, but from early on produced historical w orks in relief, culminating in the great Roman triumphal columns with continuous narrative relief winding around them, of which those commemorating Trojan (CE 113) and Marcus Aurelia's (by 193) survive in Rome, where the Era Pace's (â€Å"Altar of Peace†, 13 BCC) represents the official Greece-Roman style at its most classical and refined. Among other major examples are the earlier re-used relief on the Arch of Constantine and the base of the Column of Notations Pious (161), Company relief were cheaper pottery versions of marble relief and the taste for relief was from the imperial period expanded to the sarcophagus.All forms of luxury small sculpture continued to be patronized, and quality could be extremely high, as in the silver Warren Cup, glass Ulcerous Cup, and large cameos like the Gamma August, Kananga Cameo and the â€Å"France†. For a much wider section of the population, McCollum relief decoration of pottery vessels and small figurines were produced in great quantity and often considerable quality. Section of Tartan's Column, CE 1 13, with scenes from the Disdain Wars) (Augustan state Greece-Roman style on the Era Pace's, 13 BCC) After moving through a late 2nd-century â€Å"baroque† phase, in the 3rd century, Roman art largely abandoned, or simply became unable to produce, sculpture in the classical tradition, a change whose causes remain much discussed.Even the most important imperial monuments now showed stumpy, large-eyed figures in a harsh frontal style, in simple compositions emphasizing power at the expense of grace. The contrast is famously illustrated in the Arch of Constantine of 31 5 in Rome, which imbibes sections in the new style with roundels in the earlier full Greece-Roman style taken from elsewhere, and the Four Tetrarch (c. 305) from the new capital of Constantinople, now in Venice. Ernst Kittening found in both monuments the same â€Å"stubby proportions, angular movements, an ordering of parts through symmet ry and repetition and a rendering of features and drapery folds through incisions rather than modeling†¦The hallmark of the style wherever it appears consists of an emphatic hardness, heaviness and angularity ? in short, an almost complete rejection of the classical tradition†. This revolution in style shortly preceded the period in which Christianity was adopted by the Roman state and the great majority of the people, leading to the end of large religious sculpture, with large statues now only used for emperors. However rich Christians continued to commission relief for sarcophagi, as in the Sarcophagus of Genius Abacus, and very small sculpture, especially in ivory, was continued by Christians, building on the style of the consular diptych. Etruscan sarcophagus, 3rd century BCC The â€Å"Capitalize Brutes†, dated to the 3rd or 1st century BCC Augustus of Prima Portal, statue of the emperor Augustus, 1st century CE.Vatican Museums Tomb relief of the Deck†, 9 8-117 CE Bust of Emperor Claudia, c. 50 CE, (reworked from a bust of mineralogical), It was found in the so-called Tripoli basilica in Aluminum, Italy, Vatican Museums Commodes dressed as Hercules, c. 191 CE, in the late imperial â€Å"baroque† style The Four Tetrarch, c. 305, showing the new anti-classical style, in porphyry, owns Marco, Venice The cameo gem known as the â€Å"Great Cameo of France†, c. 23 CE, with analogy of Augustus and his family Early Medieval and Byzantine The Early Christians were opposed to monumental religious sculpture, though continuing Roman traditions in portrait busts and sarcophagus relief, as well as smaller objects such as the consular diptych.